Tuesday, October 31, 2006

God & MeFaith F.A.Q
By John Derbyshire
[I get a small but steady trickle of reader e-mails asking me various things about my thoughts & feelings in the religious zone. Goodness knows why anyone would care, but since some readers obviously do, here are the commonest questions, with my answers. I’ll confess, this is mainly for my convenience. Now, instead of writing out answers & getting into repetitive exchanges, I can just refer curious readers to this link. At least I can for a while; I’ve been going through some changes, as will become clear, and there may still be some moving targets here.]
Q. Are you a Christian?A. No. I take the minimal definition of a Christian to be a person who is sure that Jesus of Nazareth was divine, or part-divine, and that the Resurrection was a real event. I don’t believe either of those things.Have I ever? Well, up to about three years ago there were moments when I would have answered that question with a hesitant “Yes.” For the most part, though, I would rather not have been asked. My Christianity was of the watery, behavioral Anglican variety (see below) — an occasional consolation and a habit, not a core feature of what neuroscientists call my “BDIs” — that is, my mental system of beliefs, desires, and intentions — and certainly not a waterproof philosophical system that I relied on in decision-making and opinion-forming. My ability to reply “yes” to this question, even occasionally, ended sometime early in 2004. Since about the end of that year I’ve been coming clean with myself, and quit going to church. No, I am not a Christian.Q. Do you believe in God?A. Yes, to my own satisfaction, though not necessarily to yours. I don’t believe in a sort of super-guy with a human-ish personality (yes, yes, I know that’s the wrong way round: we are supposed to be made in His image) who can be put in a good mood by proper ceremonies, whose mind can be fathomed by reading scripture, and whose help can be enlisted through prayer. I belong to the 16 percent of Americans who, in the classification used for
a recent survey, believe in a “Critical God.” My God is at, or possibly just is, one pole of the great two-poled mystery of everything: the origin of the universe, which passeth all human understanding. He is the Creator. Since He was present in the cosmos then, I assume He is now (or “now,” since He is obviously outside spacetime); and since I can apprehend Him, I assume He is aware of me. The two poles of mystery, the Him and the Me (I mean, the invidual human consciousness, the I, the Me — that’s the second pole) are in contact somehow, and may actually be the same thing, as is hinted at by some by some religious teachers outside Christianity. I am, in short, a Mysterian.Q. Do you go to Church?A. Not since about the end of 2004. Just before Christmas that year, I think. (I never did attend the big, cast-of-thousands services at Christmas and Easter. I was the opposite of a PACE Christian — palms, ashes, Christmas, Easter. I used to most enjoy summer services, when half the congregation was away on vacation.) To say I lost my faith would be to over-dramatize it, since I was never a person of strong faith anyway. But I stopped being a churchgoer about then. Downsides of ceasing church attendance: (1) I still owe my church $500, according to their accounts — I was quite conscientious about pledges and collections. I shall pay it when I can afford to, but I can’t just now. (2) My church is right on Main Street in the village, so every time I go down there I face the embarrassing prospect of running into my minister, I mean ex-minister. This has now become a family joke — you know, the kids offer to scout ahead for me, and so on. (3) Whether to go on saying grace at family meals — see below.Q. What caused you to lose your faith?A. I can identify four factors: age, parenthood, biology, and exile.
— Age. It’s counterintuitive, but often the case, that you get less religious as you get older. Well, perhaps it’s not really counterintuitive: Other passions fade, why shouldn’t religious feeling? Anyway, once the end of the show is in sight on the horizon, you get resigned to a lot of things you struggled against before, especially things to do with your own personality. You stop giving a damn about lots of things you used to care about. (“At 20,” goes the old quip, “I was obsessed with what people were thinking about me. At 40, I’d stopped being obsessed with what people were thinking about me. At 60, I finally realized that nobody had ever been thinking about me at all!”) You also just have more time to think; and religion, like sex, works best if
not thought about too much. (Though perhaps that’s just an Anglican point of view — more on this in a minute.) Kierkegaard said something like: “Life can only be understood backwards, but it has to be lived forwards.” Well, I disagree on the first. I understand less about life now (I am 61) than I did, or thought I did, 30 years ago. I can remember being profoundly shocked, around age 25, reading James Boswell’s London Diaries, the bit where Bozzy encounters a very old aristocrat and asks him whether, looking back on life, he can discern any pattern or purpose to it. No, says the old boy, it has all been “a chaos of nothing.” I’m not quite ready to agree with that, but it doesn’t shock me any more, not at all. Perhaps the old nobleman was right.I have the depressing example, in my own family, of an uncle who lost his faith at the very end of life. He’d been a staunch Methodist — a big thing in my home town, for historical reasons. Uncle Fred was, in fact, the only close relative of mine to be religious in a busy, dedicated way — helping with church functions, lay reading, that sort of thing. (He was an uncle by marriage, not a Derbyshire by blood, so this can’t be construed as a genetic anomaly.) Then in his late 70s he got esophagal cancer, and spent several months dying slowly. It’s an awful way to go: slow starvation and slow choking, simultaneously. At some point he lost his lifelong faith, and died an atheist, railing at the folly of religion. I’m not sure how it happened. My father said that Uncle Fred was disappointed that the people from his church didn’t visit him much, but that doesn’t seem an adequate explanation; and on religious topics, my father, an angry and militant atheist, was not a very objective reporter. Anyway, the example of Uncle Fred has been lurking there in the back of my mind ever since. You hear a lot about deathbed conversions, but not much about deathbed apostasies. Well, let me tell you, it happens.— Parenthood. Again, this is counterintuitive, and I’m sure a lot of people go the other way, but the experience of raising two kids — mine are now 13 and 11 — was one I found de-spiritualizing. For one thing, it pushes genetics right in your face. (I recently heard quite-new parent Jonah Goldberg, in conversation, wonder aloud how anyone ever came to believe in the “blank slate” theory of human nature. I share Jonah’s bafflement.) See below for more on this. Again, it made me realize how perfectly natural religion is. We have a religious module in our brains, and with little kids you can actually watch it waking up and developing, like their speech or social habits. The paradox is, that to the degree that you see religion as natural, to the same degree it becomes harder to see it (and by extension its claims) as supernatural. — Biology. This is the big one. I was never much interested in biology, all through my life up to my 50s. At my secondary school it was a low-prestige subject. It was kind of a niche thing, in fact. The boys who studied biology were the ones whose fathers were doctors, and who therefore intended to be doctors themselves. (Doctoring was pretty much a hereditary occupation in mid-20th-century England.) The biology teacher was very eccentric, a joke figure with a thick Australian accent we used to mimic mercilessly. I did a year of biology, then dropped it, taking away with me only a few random recollections of dogfish corpses stinking away sullenly in trays of formaldehyde, and the frustration of having to draw diagrams of complicated organisms like spirogyra. I liked the more abstract, thing-y sciences much better, the ones where you could draw diagrams using a ruler… and of course math.Then about seven or eight years ago I struck up a friendship with Steve Sailer and joined his “Human Biodiversity” e-list. Through that I got acquainted with a lot of academic biologists, geneticists, anthropologists, and the like. I couldn’t follow much of what they were talking about at first, but I eventually got up to speed, at least enough so to be aware of the momentous discoveries of the past 50 years, and what they say, or suggest, about the human condition.I can report that the Creationists are absolutely correct to hate and fear modern biology. Learning this stuff works against your faith. To take a single point at random: The idea that we are made in God’s image implies we are a finished product. We are not, though. It is now indisputable that natural selection has been going on not just through human prehistory, but through recorded history too, and is still going on today, and will go on into the future, presumably to speciation, either natural or artificial. So which human being was made in God’s image: the one of 100,000 years ago? 10,000 years ago? 1,000 years ago? The one of today? The species that will descend from us? All of those future post-human species, or just some of them? And so on. The genomes are all different. They are not the same creature. And if they are all made in God’s image somehow, then presumably so are all the other species, and there’s nothing special about us at all.Now of course there are ways to finesse that point — intellectuals can cook up an argument for anything, and religious intellectuals, who cut their teeth on justifying some wildly improbable stuff, are especially ingenious — but the cumulative effect of dozens of factlets like this is devastating to the notion that human beings are a special creation. And without that notion, traditional religious belief is holed below the water line. The more you read and learn in the modern human sciences, the more your image of homo sap. fades back into our being just another branch on the tree of life, with all those wonderful features of ours — even language, the most wonderful feature of all — just adaptations, like fins or feathers, with an actual record of the adaptation written, and date-stamped, right there in the genome!But doesn’t the I, the Me, that I mentioned earlier — the self-awareness that we humans uniquely have — doesn’t that make us special? Do tigers, toads, and ticks have an I? Do they have a connection to the Creator? I don’t know. Perhaps they have a fuzzier one — perhaps higher animals, at any rate, see through a glass as we do, but more darkly. In any case, that only makes us special in the way that an elephant is special by virtue of having that long trunk — more exactly, the way the first creatures who were able to register visible light as images were special. We are part of nature — an exceptionally advanced and interesting part, but… not special.— Exile. The faith I was brought up in — my “faith tradition,” as Al Gore would say — was Anglican Christianity. This is an English, very English, variant of the great old Catholic tradition, with most of the intellectuality and authoritarianism of the Roman church stripped away. English people don’t much like intellectuals — to an English ear, the very word “intellectual” has an obnoxiously continental sound to it, cliques of self-absorbed Bohemian mischief-makers arguing about nothing important in smoky Left Bank cafes — and the Reformation convinced the English that intellectuals are especially pestiferous in matters of faith. I was once hanging around in the National Review offices talking to an editor (since departed) who was also an Anglican, though an American one — which is to say, an Episcopalian. We got to talking about the Thirty-Nine Articles that define Anglican faith. Did she actually know any of the articles, I asked? No, she confessed, she didn’t. I admitted that I didn’t either. We looked them up on the Internet. There we were, two intelligent and well-educated Anglicans, a fiftysomething guy and a thirtysomething lady, gazing curiously at the articles of the faith we had professed all our lives. That’s Anglicanism. In England it is quite a common thing for some Anglican bishop to get into the news by saying publicly that the Virgin Birth, or some other point of doctrine, is most probably false, and worshippers shouldn’t feel bad about not believing it.Working in America, and especially exchanging e-mails for several years with National Review readers, I lost my Anglican innocence. Take a fish out of water, it dies; take an Englishman out of Anglican England, his faith takes a blow. It doesn’t necessarily die — I know plenty of cases where it didn’t — but people of really feeble faith, like mine, need every possible support, and emigration knocks one prop away. In America, at any rate for most conservatives (taking my Episcopalian colleague as an exception), you are actually supposed to think about your faith, and even, for heaven’s sake, read about it! With the keen immigrant’s desire to be more native than the natives, I did my best with this, but found I constitutionally couldn’t. The books sent me to sleep; and when I tried to think about Christianity, it all fell apart.Q. Do you believe religion is good for people?A. You’d think so, wouldn’t you? I thought so for the longest time. All those Golden Rules, those injunctions to charity, compassion, neighborliness, forbearance, and so on. Not only does the proposition seem obvious in itself, but we all know people whose lives were messed up, but were then straightened out after they got religion. I know one and a half cases — I mean, two people this happened to, but one of them relapsed after three or four years, and last I heard she was in worse shape than ever.On the other hand, some religious people are horrible. This past few years, working at National Review Online and fielding tens of thousands of e-mails from readers, I’ve had my first really close encounter with masses of opinionated Christians of all kinds. A lot of them are very nice, and some are very nice indeed — I’ve had gifts, including use of a house one family vacation (thank you, Pastor!) — but, yes, some others are loathsome. I get lots of religious hate mail, some of it really vile. Often this is in response to something I have said, which I suppose is fair enough, even if not a particularly good advertisement for Christ’s injunctions about meekness and forbearance. Often, though, these e-mails come in from people who are not reacting to anything in particular, they just want to tell me that I am not religious enough to suit them, or to call myself a conservative, or to work at National Review, or to live in the USA, or (though this is very rare) to live at all. Half a dozen times I’ve had readers express these sentiments using four-letter words of the taboo variety.The usual response to all that is the one Evelyn Waugh gave. He was religious, but he was also a nasty person, and knew it. But: “If not for my faith,” he explained, “I would be barely human.” In other words, even a nasty religious person would be even worse without faith.I have now come to think that it really makes no difference, net-net. You can point to people who were improved by faith, but you can also see people made worse by it. Anyone want to argue that, say, Mohammed Atta was made a better person by his faith? All right, when Americans say “religion” they mean Christianity 99 percent of the time. So: Can Christianity make you a worse person? I’m sure it can. If you’re a person with, for example, a self-righteous conviction of your own moral superiority, well, getting religion is just going to inflame that conviction. Again, I know cases, and I’m sure you do too. The exhortations to humility that you find in all religions seem to be the most difficult teaching for people to take on board. Mostly, I think it makes no difference. Evelyn Waugh would have been no more obnoxious as an atheist.And then there are some of those discomfiting facts about human groups. Taking the population of these United States, for example, the least religious major group, by ancestry, is Americans of East Asian stock. The most religious is African Americans. All the indices of dysfunction and misbehavior, however, go the other way, with Asian Americans getting into least trouble and African Americans most. What’s that all about?In the end, I think I’ve now arrived at this position: An individual might be made better by faith, or worse. Overall, taking society at large, I think it averages out to zero. But then… Q. Do you think religion is a good thing, or a bad thing, for a society?A. Having just said that it makes no difference to individuals on gross average, the mathematical answer ought to be “neither.” My actual answer is that the question doesn’t make much sense, as a question. Religious feeling just is, there in human nature, unremovably and inescapably. That’s the point of Chesterton’s famous, and true, remark, or quasi-remark. It’s there, and decent societies have to incorporate it somehow, to the general advantage. That’s all. You might as well ask: Is sex a good thing, socially speaking? Depends whether society is good at accommodating it. Pretty much all societies are — we’ve had lots of practice with that. Really formally organized religion is less than 3,000 years old, though. There wasn’t any need for it until really big human settlements — civilizations — came up. We haven’t all got it right yet.Religion is first and foremost a social phenomenon. That religious module in our brains is a sub-module of the social one, or is very closely allied to it. To deny it expression is just as foolish, just as counter-productive, as to deny expression to any other fundamental social feature of human nature — sexuality, or aggression, or the power urge, or cheating. The trick, if you want a reasonably happy and stable society, is to corral human nature into useful, non-socially-destructive styles of expression: sexuality into marriage, or at least some kind of formal and constrained bonding; aggression into sport or military training; the power urge into consensual politics; cheating into conjuring, drama, and games like poker. (I don’t mean you should cheat at poker, only that you need some powers of deception to play poker well.) Any aspect of human nature can get out of hand, as we see with these Muslim fanatics that are making such nuisances of themselves nowadays. That doesn’t mean the aspect is bad, just that some society has done a bad job of corraling it.So I guess my answer is something like: If a society accommodates the people’s religious impulses well, it’s a good thing, and if not, not.Q. Did you raise your kids as Christians?A. Sort of. My wife’s not a Christian, and never had any inclination to become one, so there was never much question of us attending church as a family. I could have just taken the kids, I suppose, but it didn’t seem right, especially as I wasn’t a regular churchgoer myself. I did little things to jumpstart the religious modules in their infant brains. We read the picture Bible, we said grace before meals, I tried to teach them the Lord’s Prayer, and so on. I made sure they know that Christmas is not just “Winter Holiday.” (The results were sometimes odd. My daughter memorized the Lord’s Prayer, but my son couldn’t. On the other hand, my son loved the picture Bible, but my daughter got bored. They both had the Narnia books read to them, by the way.)We still say Grace before meals, incidentally. I see no reason to confuse the kids by imposing my own loss of faith on them. And heck, someone might be listening… And at least they will know how it’s done, and have one less embarrassment to contend with in life.Q. Are you anti-Catholic?A. Yes, mildly. I say this with proper embarrassment. It’s really absurd, I know it is, to nurse remnants of those 17th-century prejudices up here in the 21st. And it’s doubly absurd in the U.S.A., where, despite occasional frictions, Christians of all varieties have fought side by side on behalf of liberty for 200 years and more. Still it’s there, and lots of readers have spotted it, so I had better try to explain myself.A lot of it is just English mother’s milk. Our school history books, for example, were full of popish plots against the crown, Catholic traitors spying for Spain and France, and so on. Mary Tudor and James II did not get good press (though Bonnie Prince Charlie was allowed some romantic glamour, since he was such a pitiful loser), and we heard all about Pope Alexander VI. Those early impressions — scheming, hatchet-faced Jesuits lurking behind curtains, whispering treason in Latin, plotting to murder Good Queen Bess and hand us over bound and shackled to continental tyrants for the good of our souls — are hard to erase.Of course, as you got older and filled out your understanding, you realized there was much more to it, that it wasn’t just white hats and black hats (I guess that second hat should be red). You came to understand how different people make different claims on history. Thoughtful English people have a very good lesson in this close to hand, their country being adjacent to Ireland. Now there are two different claims on history! If you mix with Irish people, work with them, and live in Ireland for a spell (I have done all three) you get a pretty good grounding in historical relativism, unless you are a person who likes either to wallow in racial guilt or to take a stubborn, fact-denying stand on national honor (I am neither).Please remember, too, what Roman Catholicism was like when I was growing up, as seen from England. It was the religion of Franco’s Spain, Salazar’s Portugal, chaotic and communist-trending Italy, recently-keenly-pro-Nazi Austria (don’t let The Sound of Music fool you — the Anschluss was more a wedding than a rape), Latin America as then personified by the buffoonish Juan Perón and his sinister wife, and, yes, Éamon de Valera’s nasty, corrupt, willfully under-developed, people-exporting Ireland. That’s not even to mention France. As I looked out on it from the England of the 1950s and 1960s, Catholicism was the religion of poverty, fascism, obscurantism, and bad government; and I don’t think you can say that this was a wildly distorted picture. Taking the Roman Catholic church as an institution, there just wasn’t anything to like about it, if you hadn’t been raised in it — or even, in countless cases of apostasy encountered by me from childhood onwards, if you had.And to this day, to tell the truth, and setting aside the attitudes and sacrifices (which latter I gratefully, sincerely acknowledge) of individual Catholic Americans, I have trouble seeing the Roman church as an institution as being any friend of liberty. When I say this to my Catholic friends, they always say: “What about John Paul II?” Though I greatly admired the man, I am not completely convinced. Sure, he hated Communism, and hating Communism is a very good thing. It was partly by his magnificent courage and efforts that the Soviet Union collapsed, and the collapse of the Soviet Union was a very good thing. I don’t know that JPII’s thinking had much in common with Anglo-Saxon concepts of liberty, though — my concepts. He was mad that the communists presumed to think that they owned men’s souls because in his mind the Church was the rightful owner of men’s souls. That’s why he hated Communism. Well, nobody owns my soul. That’s why I hate Communism. That’s liberty, as I understand it. The Holy Political Trinity of the 1980s, in fact — I mean, Reagan, Thatcher, and JPII — all saw liberty in different terms, terms characteristic of their backgrounds as, respectively, generic-Christian American, nonconformist-Christian Englishwoman, and Roman-Catholic Pole. You can’t escape your upbringing. Which is the excuse I started this answer with…Q. Do you believe in an afterlife?A. I am totally agnostic on that. I wouldn’t rule it out. Given what we know about the workings of the brain, it’s very hard to see how anything of the individual personality could survive death. As a Mysterian, though, believing that there is something unknowable at the core of human consciousness, and something else unknowable at the universe’s origin, and a possible connection between the two, I can’t logically rule anything out. Perhaps there’s a supermind, of which my I is just a detached fragment, waiting to be reunited — a drop of water returning to the ocean. (Did you know that the “Dalai” in “Dalai Lama” means “ocean”?) Perhaps consciousness is just a window looking out on the so-called material world from some other reality, and death is the closing of the window. Who knows? I’ve had the intuition, for as long as I can remember — since early childhood, I mean — that there is another world beside this one. I tried to express that intuition in a novel once. I can’t think of anything intelligent to say about that other place, though. “Of what we cannot speak, we must perforce be silent.”Q. Do you think an individual human life has any purpose?A. From a cold biological point of view, every living creature has the purpose of bringing forth a new generation, and of living long enough to do so. However, this question is usually asked by religious people with some such subtext as: Do you believe you are here to please (or obey, or glorify) God? Or to make yourself worthy of Christ’s sacrifice? Or the equivalent things in other religions — to help bring all of humanity into the House of Islam, to escape from the Wheel of Reincarnation, to live in harmony with the Tao, and so on? I guess it is obvious from my previous answers that, no, I don’t believe any of those things.Q. Can an irreligious person really be a conservative?A. Of course he can. The essence of modern conservatism is the belief in limited government power, respect for traditional values, patriotism, and strong national defense. The only one of those that gets snagged on religion is the second. But while traditional Western society has had a religious background, it has usually made room, at all points of the political spectrum, for unbelievers. Plenty of great names in the Western cultural tradition have been irreligious. Mark Twain, America’s greatest writer, was a complete atheist; and one has one’s doubts about Shakespeare. In any case, as Bill Buckley has pointed out somewhere, the key word is respect. Respect for traditional values implies respect for religious belief, even if you don’t share it. The really interesting question is not “Can an irreligious person be a conservative,” but “Can a militant God-hater be a conservative?”I’d go a bit further than that. Conservatism, including (including especially, I think) religious conservatism, has at its core an acceptance of, a respect for, human nature. We conservatives are the people who see humanity plain, or strive to, and who wish to keep our society in harmony with what we see. Paul Johnson has noted how leftists always used to talk about building socialism. Capitalism doesn’t require building. It’s just what happens if you leave people alone. It arises, in short, from human nature, and only needs harmonizing under some mild, reasonable, laws and customary restraints. You don’t have to build it by forging a New Capitalist Man, or anything like that.Leaving people alone, I like. Capitalism, I like. Social harmony, I like. Human nature… Well, it has its unappealing side. I don’t count religious feeling as necessarily on that side, though; and I do count religious feeling — stronger in some individuals, weaker in others, altogether absent in a few — a key component of the human personality at large. To be respected ipso facto. Q. Have you ever had a religious experience?A. No. I’m a bit miffed about this. I’ve read some of the literature on religious experiences, and they aren’t particularly uncommon. One informal study, by the BBC religious-affairs unit, found that a quarter of people reported some such thing. I don’t know why I’ve been left out.I haven’t really tried very hard, never practiced meditation or anything like that; but then, neither did most of the people making those reports. In fact, you don’t even have to be religious to have a religious experience, though I’d guess that a really intense cultivation of your religious module must help some. William Blake seems to have had at least one religious experience per diem, yet he wasn’t religious at all in any conventional sense, certainly not any kind of orthodox Christian. You can even be an atheist: Marghanita Laski studied 63 cases of religious experience in her 1961 book Ecstasy, and 25 of the subjects were professed agnostics or atheists! Of course, the religious people who had these “numinous” experiences described them in religious terms (“I heard angels singing”) while the nonreligious gave secular descriptions (“I heard wonderful music”). The experiences reported are all uncommonly alike though, even across cultures. It’s obviously the same experience — bright light, beautiful music, a loss of the sense of self (“dissolution”), and so on. It’s just that the mind interprets it according to familiar cultural referents, especially religious ones. If you’re a Christian you see Jesus; if a Hindu, then Krishna or one of those guys; if Chinese, some Taoist vision. It’s plainly a real thing, and anyone who writes about the mind has to mention it. Freud called it “the oceanic feeling” (see above). David Gelernter has interesting things to say about it in The Muse in the Machine — including, if memory serves, a plan to build a computer that can have religious experiences! Whether the content of the experience is real, in the sense of putting you in touch with the supernatural, seems to be a subjective opinion. I’d like to have one of these experiences so I could form an opinion of my own. Not having had one, I can’t. As I said, I’m a bit annoyed that it’s never happened to me. (Karen Armstrong — whom, by the way, I find highly simpatico — expresses some similar feeling in the introduction to her History of God.) People often report that this encounter with the numinous changed their lives utterly — that they were kinder, gentler, more patient and forgiving afterwards, more compassionate, better spouses or parents. I could definitely use some of that. I don’t honestly think of myself as a very good person. Too selfish and lazy. Probably too late to improve now.
National Review Online

Monday, October 30, 2006


New York Daily News - http://www.nydailynews.com/
Michael J.Fox sez 'bully' to Rush
BY MICHAEL McAULIFFDAILY NEWS WASHINGTON BUREAU Monday, October 30th, 2006 WASHINGTON - Michael J. Fox refused yesterday to go shot-for-shot with Rush Limbaugh, saying it would be silly to engage a "bully."
The right-wing radio yakker accused the Parkinson's-stricken actor last week of exaggerating symptoms of his disease after Fox did a pair of commercials pushing Democratic Senate candidates who back embryonic stem-cell research.
Limbaugh mimicked Fox, who could be seen swaying and shifting markedly in the ads, and griped that Fox was either acting or "off his meds."
Limbaugh later apologized, but did not back down from his criticism of Fox's activism. Yesterday, Fox said he wasn't going to get into it with Limbaugh, who has had medication problems of his own, but managed to slip in a few digs anyway.
"I don't want to react personally to these attacks. It's pointless. It's silly," Fox told ABC News' "This Week."
"It's like getting in a fight with a bully. What's the point? You're not going to change his mind," Fox said. "You're just probably going to get a nosebleed. So, you know, why bother? But make no mistake, it hurts."
Fox said he expected conservatives to oppose his position, but was stunned by the personal attack.
"When I heard that response, I was, 'What, are you kidding me?'" Fox said.
He said Limbaugh's ill-considered lobs really hurt people with Parkinson's - and Fox's mom, who watched him struggle to make the ads.
"To hear that reaction made her livid," Fox said, adding later that mockery and stigmatization of Parkinson's symptoms are among the big problems sufferers face.
"The community was really hurt by it," he said. "And it really brings up the specter of, 'Go away, shut the window, shut the doors, close the curtains and suffer, and don't let us know,' because it's a fearful response."
Ironically, the "Spin City" star said his problem with movement actually stems from being on his meds for 15 years. A side effect is the startling shifting Fox was unable to control while filming the spots for Senate candidates Rep. Ben Cardin in Maryland and Claire McCaskill in Missouri.
If he were "off his meds," Fox said, he would look more expressionless, like fellow Parkinson's sufferer Muhammad Ali.
"If I want to be articulate, if I want to speak, this comes as a package," Fox said. "That's the tradeoff. I either sound good or look good. I don't get the whole package."
Fox and others with Parkinson's say embryonic stem-cell research could lead to a cure for their ailment and others.
Many were infuriated when President Bush used his first veto to cancel legislation last summer that would have given federal funds for such research.

The backwoods folk are beginning to doubt Bush
Andrew Sullivan
The American humourist Will Rogers once described his political position thus: “I belong to no organised party. I am a Democrat.” It captured the undisciplined, chaotic, often hilarious internecine battles that have plagued the party. The astonishing aspect of the current intense election campaign in the United States is that this time the roles are reversed. On the eve of an election it is the usually disciplined, on-message, obedient Republican party that is at war with itself.
The polls don’t help. They suggest an imminent drubbing, and the newspapers and blogosphere have been full of what are termed “pre-mortems” or “precriminations”. When a ship looks like it’s sinking, it gets harder to enforce discipline. But the Republicans are coming to terms with the fact that their very success in expanding their party over the past two decades, compounded by the pressure of what appears an all but lost Iraq war, has led to fractures they can no longer paper over.
I’ve been travelling across America these past two weeks to battleground states like Pennsylvania and Ohio, as well as Illinois, Wisconsin and California. The anger at Congress is palpable. But what’s most striking is where it’s coming from: not so much from Democrats as from restless conservatives and Republicans.
A group of conservative intellectuals recently wrote in a liberal magazine last month that the Republicans deserved to lose. The intellectual titan of American conservatism, William F Buckley, has called the Iraq war a failure, and attributed it to the lack of a coherent conservative governing philosophy in the Bush White House.
On the ground, the rhetoric is even more intense. Republican Senator Mike DeWine, battling to win the key state of Ohio, said that Donald Rumsfeld “would not be my secretary of defence if I was the president of the United States. He has, you know, made huge mistakes. And I think history will judge him very harshly”.
In another critical race in Tennessee, the Republican candidate Bob Corker has disowned the Bush strategy of “stay the course” in Iraq. Voters guffaw when he repeats it.
Incumbent Texas Republican Senator Kay Bailey Hutchison has said she would never have voted for the Iraq war if she knew then what she knows now. That’s in Texas, where she isn’t even in danger. Elsewhere, in less rock-solid states, Republicans are begging the president not to come and campaign for them.
Most critically, it is the rural heartland that is beginning to question Bush and the war. First, they trusted him as a man of God. Then they blamed the media for distorting reality in Iraq. Then their patriotism kicked in as the president urged them to “stay the course”. But now this segment of the population, people who have disproportionately sent their sons and daughters to fight in the bloodsoaked streets of Ramadi and Falluja and Baghdad, show signs of revolt. If Bush loses these voters — or if they are too demoralised to vote at all — the omens are truly dark for the Republicans.
The party’s strategy, after all, has long been not to persuade moderate, suburban America, but to register, organise and mobilise millions of rural evangelical voters who had not voted in large numbers since the 1920s.
Issues such as abortion and same-sex marriage brought these voters to the polls and made the difference. Without them in Ohio in 2004, John Kerry would now be president. The Republicans also gerrymandered their constituencies to ensure these voters were spread around enough to provide narrow margins of victories across the country. The victories were always close ones, nonetheless.
Until recently the rural evangelicals have stuck with the president, in part to honour the fallen, and out of admirable patriotism and trust. It is hard to believe that your son or daughter died or is permanently crippled for a bungled cause. But if the facade cracks, if these rural voters begin to believe they have been misled, then the rock-solid patriotic support could become something else. It would not, in my judgment, fade into indifference. It could turn into rage.
That hasn’t happened yet. But you can feel it beginning. When you add to it the libertarian Republicans, alienated by the religious right, the worries for Bush and Vice-President Dick Cheney mount. Then there are the fiscal conservatives appalled by the massive spending and borrowing, and the social conservatives who suspect the Republican leadership of covering up pederasty in its own ranks in the Mark Foley affair, and the neoconservatives who believe that their war was never given enough troops or resources to succeed. Put it all together and you have a party that is beginning to resemble a circular firing squad nine days before critical mid-terms.
In this atmosphere, the only recourse some candidates have had is mud, mud, glorious mud. In Tennessee the Republican national committee ran a campaign ad insinuating that the black Democrat was funded by porn producers and was calling a white prostitute for a rendezvous. An Ohio congressional candidate tried to portray his Democratic opponent as being in league with the National Man-Boy Love Association. The radio talk-show host Rush Limbaugh entered the debate over embryonic stem-cell research by mocking the actor Michael J Fox’s medication- induced physical tremors. Fox is suffering from Parkinson’s and appeared in a political ad in defence of stem-cell research. I’m no prude when it comes to dirty politics, but the airwaves this year make mud-wrestling look like a nice game of badminton.
There is, of course, a great justice in this. In many ways the Bush administration and Republican Congress have abandoned principled conservatism and deserve to be punished by conservatives more than liberals. When they took over in 2000, the long-term fiscal liability of the federal government was $20 trillion. It now stands at $43 trillion. They have increased government spending at a faster rate than any Democratic Congress since the 1930s. They have generated deficits after four years of strong growth.
This kind of spending has made sleaze and de facto bribery inevitable. The number of lobbyists in Washington has doubled in five years. As for pork barrel spending, a simple comparison tells the tale. In 1985, Ronald Reagan vetoed a motorway-construction bill because lawmakers had stuffed into it 150 pet projects for their constituencies. Reagan thought that was unconservative. Last year George W Bush eagerly signed a similar bill with 6,000 such projects. In plain English, they are bribing the voters with the public purse.
On the critical matter of individual liberty, they have suspended habeas corpus for “enemy combatants” for the indefinite future, and authorised the torture of military detainees. Last week Cheney told a conservative talk-show host that the question of whether to use the Khmer Rouge tactic of “waterboarding” military detainees to make them feel they’re drowning was a “no-brainer”. It wasn’t that he had weighed the terrible price of torture and decided reluctantly he had to do it to save American lives: it was not even worth a second’s thought. Whatever else this is, it isn’t conservatism. It is big government cynicism and incompetence.
It is premature to predict a huge change in the Congress on November 7. Republican discipline could still hold on by a squeak. But a big Democratic victory could happen. And if it does, it will be Republican and conservative voters who deliver it.

Sunday, October 29, 2006

Same stuff, year after year'
BY MARC CAPUTO
mcaputo@MiamiHerald.com
DEAD LAKE - Along these still shores where a kid in a Confederate-flagged ball cap fishes for bass, New Englander Paul Panopoulas came to scratch out a living in the restaurant business, only to find high rent and a healthcare system that threatened to drown him in debt after his hand was crushed in a dough-making machine.
Now, after five years, two elections and the loss of a pinkie finger, the promise of prosperity in booming Flagler County seems nearly as empty to Panopoulas as the politicians who never seem to walk the talk from the campaign trail.
''They talk about the little guy and the small-business owner and all that, but it's not like we have a lot to show for it. Taxes are high, my rent went up, and I'm looking at $45,000 in medical bills,'' said Panopoulas, 44, who owns Kelly's Lakeside Restaurant with his mother.
''It's the same stuff, year after year,'' he said. ``This election probably isn't much different.''
Except in this regard: The political parties are turning off people such as Panopoulas, who, as an independent voter, is part of the fastest-growing segment of the electorate in Florida and, most dramatically, in Flagler.
Citizens here don't just look like the state, they think like it -- deeply disturbed by the war in Iraq, tired of the same-old politics. And they sound like Florida. There's Panopoulas' Massachusetts accent that softens his R's. Up the road at the Country Cooler Drive-Thru in a place called the Mondaks, Preston Garren asks, in a North Carolina drawl, for two packs of Basic cigarettes as he pulls up in a fixer-upper 1984 Z28 littered with his mechanic's tools, jugs of Jim's Own Homestyle Barbecue Sauce and a few .308 hunting bullets.
A hard-core Republican, Garren, 34, voices deep suspicions that cut across partisan lines.
''In all honesty, you talk Republican or Democrat, there's not a single one of them up there in office who aren't millionaires when they go in. And the only reason they're taking these low-paying jobs is to make money on the back side,'' Garren said. ``They all dillydally around these issues. Nobody really fixes anything. They make a whole bunch of arguments at each other, they cat-fight and what not. But at the end of the day, nothing ever gets done.''
The issues for Garren -- aside from his concerns that America is pulling its punches too much in Iraq: high homeowners insurance that he compares to a ''mafia'' racket and ''illegal aliens'' whom state authorities have failed to find and prosecute.
Montana Hartung, a 22-year-old Country Cooler worker and independent voter, has one top concern: abortion. ``I don't want someone telling me what I can do with my body, especially if I get raped.''
Co-worker Colby Smith, 19, is her political opposite: a Republican who is against abortion and believes that if Sen. Hillary Clinton is elected president in 2008, it will be the
fulfillment of apocalyptic ``prophecies.''
Another co-worker, Sarah Holland, 22, is registered independent and said she wants to elect Democrats this year. Her choice for governor: Charlie Crist, a Republican.
''I vote the person, not the party,'' she said. Here's what she calls Crist's Democratic rival, Jim Davis: ``that other guy.''
Ever since Holland was born, Fran and Gary Heiser have lived in Flagler, watched it grow and moderated their views, shifting from rock-ribbed New York Republicans to independents to Democrats.
Their only son, 35-year-old Michael Heiser, was one of the 19 U.S. servicemen killed in the 1996 Khobar Towers bombing in Saudi Arabia. They were opposed to the Iraq war from the start, and only now do polls show that their once-unpopular view of President Bush is spreading.
''The polls say about 40 percent of people support Bush. What's wrong with 40 percent of our country?'' said Fran Heiser, who lives in one of the wealthier sections of Palm Coast.
Daryl Williams, a 42-year-old landscaper who lives on Martin Luther King and Cherry streets in South Bunnell, said he scratches his head amid the talk of homeland security and war as shootings in his neighborhood have increased.
''Where's the homeland security for the place I live?'' Williams, a Democrat, asked. What he knows of Davis: His running mate is ''that black guy,'' Daryl Jones. What he knows of Crist: That he voted to compensate two wrongfully convicted black men.
''I haven't heard much from any of the campaigns,'' Williams said. ``It's not like they have anything new to say.''

Friday, October 27, 2006



Christian Science Monitor
N.J. boost for gay couples buoys GOP Wednesday's ruling in favor of full legal rights for gay couples may galvanize certain voters.
By Alexandra Marks Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor
NEW YORK
The political fallout from Wednesday's New Jersey Supreme Court ruling in favor of full rights for gay couples could ripple far beyond the borders of the Garden State.
With control of the House and Senate at stake in the Nov. 7 midterm elections, Republican leaders are hoping the ruling will give their wavering conservative base - who would see the court's move as another attack on traditional marriage - a reason to go to the polls.
The New Jersey outcome could suddenly give impetus to voters in eight states where the ballot includes measures to ban gay marriage. In some of these states - Tennessee and Virginia, especially - the races for Senate seats are too close to call. Others, namely Arizona and Colorado, have hotly contested House races that may give a boost to Republican candidates.
The ruling, which found that gay couples in New Jersey are entitled to the same legal and financial protections as heterosexual couples, could tip the national balance, many political analysts say.
"The Republicans are thrilled and the Democrats are furious with those judges, and that tells me all I need to know," says Larry Sabato, a political analyst at the University of Virginia. "Both sides understand this is a boost for Republican turnout among social conservatives, many of whom were very discouraged and probably were not going to vote because of the [Mark] Foley scandal and Iraq."
Some analysts, though, disagree. Gay marriage has lost some of its salience as a galvanizing issue, they say, in part because Americans are so focused on the war in Iraq.
"The country seems very, very centered on Iraq, and ... it's very unlikely that something that happened in New Jersey is going to energize social conservatives," says Cliff Zukin, a professor of public policy at Rutgers University in New Jersey. "Every poll I've looked at suggests that Iraq remains the defining issue."
In backing full rights for gay couples, New Jersey's high court gave the state Legislature 180 days to expand existing laws or to adopt new ones that will guarantee gay couples equal rights. But it stopped short of requiring use of the word "marriage" to define gay-couple unions, leaving that decision to the Legislature. Some analysts suggest that makes the issue less compelling for conservatives, for now.
"I'm sure the extreme right would very much have preferred the court have said we get marriage," says David Buckel, senior counsel for Lambda Legal Defense and Education Fund, who argued the case for gay marriage before the New Jersey court. "That is one of the ironies of where we are now politically. The court did not take the constitutional promise the entire way. And since we're in abeyance now and have to wait for the Legislature to act, it's hard to see what kind of impact it will have outside of New Jersey, at least on elections."
Eight thousand gay couples have been married in Massachusetts, and civil unions are commonplace in Vermont and Connecticut - developments that Mr. Buckel says may have made some Americans feel less threatened by the issue. "Not one volcano popped its lid, the weather patterns did not dramatically alter," says Buckel. "I think America sees that in the end, whatever anxieties there were, a few families were helped immensely by getting things like medical coverage and no families were hurt."
Opponents of gay marriage say the ruling will put the issue back on the front pages - and energize the most conservative voters. "New Jersey is a key state, and the papers are covering this, word is spreading," says the Rev. Louis Sheldon, chairman of the Traditional Values Coalition in Washington. "This raises a level of awareness. It takes away the negatives from the Foley scandal and the war, and reminds people that the family is an important issue."
Mr. Sheldon, whose public-policy think tank is supported by 43,000 churches, is urging voters to find out where their candidate stands on the gay-marriage issue and to vote. "This underscores the urgency for Congress to act on a constitutional amendment that truly defines marriage as between one man and one woman and doesn't give away the rights and privileges through civil unions and domestic partners," he says.
To date, polls show Democratic voters have been more energized than Republicans this election cycle - a reversal from the past few elections when Republicans were gung-ho and Democrats lackluster.
"Republicans haven't dropped off the map, but their interest in voting is lower than it usually is," says Thomas Patterson, a political analyst at Harvard's Kennedy School of Government. "This is the kind of issue that can give them a reason to vote, and they haven't had many. This might be enough to get them to think, 'Ah, I'll get out of my chair,' at least for those on the margins."
In New Jersey, where Republicans see their best hope of taking a Democratic Senate seat, the ruling is not expected to affect the close race between incumbent Sen. Robert Menendez (D) and Tom Kean Jr. (R) - in part because a majority of voters there favor gay marriage

Sunday, October 22, 2006

A possibly fatal flaw in GOP formula for success
Ronald BrownsteinWashington OutlookOctober 22, 2006
The great risk in President Bush's political strategy has always been that it leaves him very little margin for error. From the outset of his presidency, Bush has accepted division as the price of mobilization.With a few exceptions, such as education and immigration policy, he has targeted his central initiatives — tax cuts, judicial appointments, the unilateral projection of U.S. power abroad — primarily at the priorities of conservatives while conceding little to interests outside his coalition.In Congress and across the country, that ideologically polarizing agenda has helped Bush unify and excite Republicans. But it has come at the cost of antagonizing Democrats and straining his relations with independent voters.This strategy has rested on the calculation that if Bush generates enough turnout on election day from Republicans and conservative-leaning independents, he can survive unease among moderate independents and intense opposition from Democrats. On balance, that equation worked for Bush in his first term. Bolstered by his post-9/11 glow, Bush inspired an enormous Republican turnout that spurred GOP congressional gains in 2002. In 2004, another Republican surge powered gains in Congress and Bush's reelection over Democrat John F. Kerry. For Karl Rove and other top GOP strategists, those victories were evidence that Bush was building a narrow but stable electoral majority.But even amid success, the limitations of the strategy were evident. Although Bush inspired passionate commitment from his supporters, he did not generate anywhere near the breadth of support that other two-term presidents, such as Dwight D. Eisenhower or Ronald Reagan, achieved at their apogee. Bush's margin of victory over Kerry, measured as a share of the popular vote, was the smallest ever for a reelected president. Even in the usual post-election honeymoon period, Bush's approval rating never exceeded 55% in Gallup surveys, below the high point for every other reelected president since World War II. Bush's support fell back beneath 50% even before his second inauguration.All of this meant that even on Bush's best days, nearly half the country opposed him and his direction. That didn't leave him with much of a cushion for bad days, which have come in bunches during his second term.A combination of missteps (the faltering federal response to Hurricane Katrina) and miscalculations (the Terri Schiavo case, the crash of the Social Security restructuring plan) topped by the relentless, grinding violence and disorder in Iraq, have kept Bush on the defensive almost constantly since early 2005. Because Bush started with backing from only about half the country, these reversals have lowered him, and his party, to dangerous depths. His approval rating since mid-2005 has rarely reached 45%, and he is now limping into the midterm election with support in most surveys below 40%.That discontent over Bush's performance and decisions, especially concerning Iraq, is the largest factor threatening the GOP hold on the House and Senate.One measure of Bush's impact on the election comes from the Majority Watch project conducted by the polling firms RT Strategies and Constituent Dynamics. Since the summer, the project has conducted nearly 75,000 automated phone surveys in congressional districts around the country. And it has found a close correlation between attitudes about Bush and preferences in November.Tom Riehle, a partner at RT Strategies, recently cumulated the results of the project's interviews. He found that 80% of voters who approve of Bush's performance say they intend to vote Republican for Congress next month. But 77% of those who disapprove intend to vote Democratic. That result partly reflects the intense partisanship of our time. But even among independents, attitudes toward Bush are a clear dividing line. Fully 71% of independents who approve of him say they will vote Republican. But 73% of independents who disapprove are voting Democratic.The obvious danger for Republicans is that far more voters in the surveys disapprove (53%) than approve of Bush's performance (39%). Among independents, those who disapprove outnumber supporters by 2 to 1. Bush's decline is exposing Republican candidates to different risks in different places. In Democratic-leaning states, Republicans who have survived as moderates are facing more resistance from center-left voters reluctant to help Bush advance his agenda by providing the GOP another vote in Congress. "He's a really good and decent man, but he empowers the Bush administration," Anne Crofts of Providence said at a recent local Democratic rally to explain why she would vote against moderate Sen. Lincoln Chafee (R-R.I.).In states that are more conservative, Republicans confront two risks. The lesser threat is that Bush's assorted second-term disputes with conservative leaders and the congressional sex scandal may somewhat depress turnout by the GOP base. The bigger danger is a powerful desire for change even among many voters who philosophically tilt more toward Republicans than Democrats. Voters "are overlooking a lot of things about the Democrats that would normally bother them because they want change," said one senior GOP strategist. Bush is once again stressing sharp-edged ideological differences with Democrats on taxes and national security; maybe that will rally enough conservatives to the polls to avoid a deluge on Nov. 7. But if a deluge comes, more of the Republicans looking to succeed Bush in 2008 may ask whether a political strategy that provokes so much opposition, even on its strongest days, can be sustained. They may also question whether the White House vision of a narrow but stable electoral majority is a contradiction in terms.
ronald.brownstein@latimes.comRonald Brownstein's column appears every Sunday. See current and past Brownstein columns on The Times' website at http://www.latimes.com/

Saturday, October 21, 2006

A reminder from Barry Goldwater
"On religious issues there can be little or no compromise. There is no position on which people are so immovable as their religious beliefs. There is no more powerful ally one can claim in a debate than Jesus Christ, or God, or Allah, or whatever one calls this supreme being. But like any powerful weapon, the use of God's name on one's behalf should be used sparingly. The religious factions that are growing throughout our land are not using their religious clout with wisdom. They are trying to force government leaders into following their position 100 percent. If you disagree with these religious groups on a particular moral issue, they complain, they threaten you with a loss of money or votes or both.
I'm frankly sick and tired of the political preachers across this country telling me as a citizen that if I want to be a moral person, I must believe in 'A,' 'B,' 'C,' and 'D.' Just who do they think they are? And from where do they presume to claim the right to dictate their moral beliefs to me? And I am even more angry as a legislator who must endure the threats of every religious group who thinks it has some God-granted right to control my vote on every roll call in the Senate. I am warning them today: I will fight them every step of the way if they try to dictate their moral convictions to all Americans in the name of 'conservatism.'"
May 1981

Sunday, October 15, 2006

His 'leadership changed Mass. forever'
Ex-congressman Gerry Studds dies
By Bryan Marquard, Globe Staff October 15, 2006
Gerry E. Studds, who championed environmental, maritime, and fisheries issues during 24 years in the US House of Representatives and lent an eloquent voice to health and human rights matters, died early yesterday.
First elected in 1972, Studds entered politics as part of a generation emboldened by its opposition to the Vietnam War and turned his focus in Congress to issues close to the hearts of his constituents. A Democrat, Studds had been reelected five times when in 1983 he became the first member of Congress to openly acknowledge he was gay.
Subsequently he became the first openly gay candidate elected to Congress and was re elected five more times before announcing in October 1995 that he would not seek a 13th term representing the 10th Congressional District, which includes New Bedford, the South Shore, Cape Cod, and the Islands.
He publicly disclosed his sexual orientation after a former congressional page, then 27, said in 1983 that he and the congressman had a sexual relationship a decade earlier, when the page was 17. The House censured Studds for sexual misconduct.
Studds, 69, had been hospitalized after falling while walking his dog several days ago. He died in Boston Medical Center of complications from vascular disease, according to his husband, Dean T. Hara.
``Gerry's leadership changed Massachusetts forever and we'll never forget him," US Senator Edward M. Kennedy said in a statement. ``His work on behalf of our fishing industry and the protection of our waters has guided the fishing industry into the future and ensured that generations to come will have the opportunity to love and learn from the sea. . . . Gerry's work in Congress can still be seen in the towns and cities he fought for, in the constituents who became friends, and on the waters he worked tirelessly to protect."
The censure of Studds and his relationship with a page was revisited in recent weeks when it was revealed that US Representative Mark Foley, a Republican of Florida, had exchanged sexually explicit e-mail and instant messages with a young male congressional page.
As the Foley scandal unfolded and he abruptly resigned from the House, Republicans in Washington accused Democrats of hypocrisy, saying they had not spoken out in 1983 when Studds was censured. At the time, he called it ``a serious error," but refused to resign.
Yesterday morning, before news broke that Studds had died, former House speaker Newt Gingrich invoked his name at a campaign breakfast in Springfield, Va., for Republican candidates.
During 12 terms in the House, Studds pushed for more funding of AIDS research and worked to repeal the ban on gays and lesbians in the military. In his waning days in Congress, he spoke out on the House floor against the Defense of Marriage Act.
``I have served in this House for 24 years," Studds said in July 1996. ``I have been elected 12 times, the last six times as an openly gay man, and for the last six years I have been in a relationship as loving, caring, as committed, as nurtured and celebrated and sustained by our extended families as any member of this House."
Studds and Hara married in 2004, a week after gay marriage became legal in Massachusetts.
``It was Gerry's greatest desire to be a private citizen and to be a private person," Hara said yesterday. ``He was not the type of person that needed to have the ego gratification of public recognition and large functions. He very much enjoyed his anonymity as he walked his dog." Studds was walking their dog when he fell.
US Representative William D. Delahunt, who now represents the 10th district, said that ``even now, his legacy is alive and well in the halls of Congress."
``His influence was bipartisan in nature," Delahunt said. ``He was sought out for his views, because the depth of his knowledge about the oceans and fisheries was profound."
Among his lasting accomplishments was the Atlantic Striped Bass Conservation Act of 1984, which Studds drafted and sponsored. The legislation required the Atlantic Coast states to implement conservation measures under the guidelines of a multi-state commission.
Known for his agile mind and sharp sense of humor, Studds once quipped to Delahunt that ``his pivotal role in the revival of the striped bass was not in legislating a recovering plan, but in his inability to catch any," Delahunt said in a statement.
Studds also was a key force behind the Marine Mammal Protection Act and sponsored legislation to create the Boston Harbor Islands National Recreation Area. In recognition of his work, Congress designated a large ocean area between Cape Ann and Cape Cod the Gerry E. Studds Stellwagen Bank National Marine Sanctuary.
Born on Long Island in Mineola, N.Y., Studds graduated from Yale University with a bachelor's in 1959 and a master's in 1961. He worked in the State Department and in the White House when John F. Kennedy was president, and was an aide to a US senator before leaving Washington to become a teacher at St. Paul's School in New Hampshire.
Studds worked with the presidential campaign of Senator Eugene McCarthy when his strong showing in the 1968 New Hampshire primary helped force President Lyndon Johnson out of the race, and was a delegate to the Democratic Convention that year in Chicago.
Living in Cohasset, he first ran for the 10th district seat in 1970 and nearly upset Hastings Keith , the Republican incumbent. For the rematch, he learned Portuguese, the language of many voters in the district, and became fluent in ocean and fisheries issues that affected many constituents.
Studds won in 1972, as Richard Nixon was posting a landslide victory for president. A dozen years later, in the aftermath of the censure over his relationship with the page, he again handily won, this time as President Ronald Reagan coasted to reelection.
Though he was a liberal Democrat, Studds forged friendships with conservative Republicans, notably Don Young of Alaska, who sponsored an amendment to name the marine sanctuary after his friend.
As an eloquent speaker, Studds once even drew praise from Helen Chenoweth , then an outspoken conservative Republican from Idaho who was also known for bouffant hair. She died in a car accident earlier this month.
One day after Studds spoke, ``she came off the floor afterward and said, `I wish I had your mind,' " said a former aide to Studds. ``He looked at her and said, `I wish I had your hair.' "
Announcing his retirement on Martha's Vineyard on Oct. 28, 1995, Studds said, ``It is time for me to chart a new course. . . . You understand things like tides, and seasons, and the natural rhythm of things, and so you will understand that it is time for me and Dean and my family to move on to other challenges."
In addition to Hara, Studds leaves his brother, Colin , of Cohasset, and his sister, Gaynor Stewart , of Buffalo.
The family plans to hold a memorial service next month.
After leaving Congress, Studds moved to Boston and led a life out of the spotlight. He was more likely to be seen walking his dog in the South End than to be spotted at political events.
``He was a very formal and reserved guy," US Representative Barney Frank said yesterday. ``When he retired, he retired. One of the ironies of his life was that he was one of the most private people I've ever met who was in that kind of public position."
In 1987, Frank became the second member of Congress to publicly acknowledge he was gay. By being the first, Studds ``clearly gave some other people the courage to do that," Frank said. ``It probably had a bigger impact on younger people who said, `You know what, I guess I can think about a political career after all.' "
US Representative James McGovern said yesterday that he and his wife, Lisa, ``are deeply saddened to hear of the death of our friend Gerry Studds."
``He was a champion for human rights, particularly in Latin America," McGovern said, ``a passionate environmentalist, and a champion for fishermen in New England and across the country."
Susan Milligan of the Globe staff contributed to this report.

Tuesday, October 10, 2006

Don’t jeer at North Korea’s nuke test!
by Donald Sensing
North Korea announced that it had conducted a test of an atomic explosive devise Sunday night (EDT). The test was claimed to have been conducted entirely underground with no release of radioactive material into the atmosphere.
South Korean authorities said they monitored a seismic event of 3.6 on the Richter scale that was not a natural occurrence and corresponded in time to the claimed test.
Chester cites a news report, that seismic reading “could be caused by the explosion of the equivalent of 800 tonnes of dynamite.”
So was the test real or a hoax? Chester, same link, covers some territory on the subject but withholds judgment. One estimate of the TNT-equivalence I heard on a radio report was of 550 tons.
I don’t mean to belabor the point I have made before, but I was trained in the Army as a nuclear-target analyst. A yield of 550-800 tons (.55-.8 KT) is not too small by any means as an achievable yield. It does not require a lot of fissionable material, either, which is one factor militating against the “hoax” conclusion. If the test was a “proof of concept” test rather than one intended to validate an actual warhead, then it makes sense for the DPRK to use as little nuclear material as possible. They don’t get the stuff very easily.
It’s also worth pointing out that an atomic bomb of .6KT or so is no city flattener, but would work quite spectacuarly as a terrorist weapon. If detonated on the ground or from the top of a building, it would also result in serious fallout, increasing the terror effect and the number of deaths. Further, it would contaminate the terrain at and near ground zero for a long time. Cleanup and decontamination would be lengthy and very expensive. Imagine such a weapon being detonated in an American harbor.
So we should not be relieved that the apparent yield was so low. If the design yield was in the sub-kilton range, then this test was very successful.
On the other hand (you knew that was coming, since we have so little reliable intelligence on the DPRK’s program), the test could have been a fizzle. The design of a gun-assembled weapon (GAW) is pretty simple, as things atomic go. The Hiroshima was a gun assembled weapon. At one end of the bomb was a mass of uranium with the center section missing. At the other end of the bomb was the center section. Between the two uranium masses was a tube, basically a small cannon barrel. When the bomb’s altimeter fuze system determined that the bomb was the correct height above the target, it triggered a propellant charge behind the smaller uranium mass, shooting it at high speed into the larger section. A catalytic alloy of beryllium and polonium was set at the other end of the hole; this alloy is a neutron emitter just sitting on a table. When the moving center section smashed it at high speed, it flashed neutrons out like crazy and initiated the uranium chain reaction. Instantly, the whole bomb fissioned.
This design was never tested. Scientists considered the design so reliable, and the physics so well understood, that they thought no test was necessary. They were right. There are other ways to design a GAW that are even simpler, too.
However, measurements and velocities and timing must be precise. In an fission atomic weapon, one of the hard things to do is make sure that the fission process takes place uniformly enough throughout the atomic mass so that the fission chain reaction in one part of the mass doesn’t blow the other, unreacted mass away before it can chain. This is a greater issue, IIRC, in GAWs than in implosion weapons. (The Nagasaki bomb was an IW, in which the plutonium was arranged spherically around a beryllium/polonium sphere in the center. When the fuze system activated, the plutonium collapsed onto the center mass, which emitted neutrons under the pressure and impact. That made the whole thing go supercritical and the atomic explosion resulted.) But IWs are harder to make work because the timing is even more critical than in GAWs.
So the DPRK test may have been designed to yield a much larger explosion, and there are a multitude of design and manufacture flaws that can fizzle the detonation so that only a partial fission is achieved.
Or the DPRK carried out a msssive hoax, using hundreds of tons of conventional high explosive to create a seismic effect. But it’s hard to see the upside of this for them (not that they the most rational of actors, though).
DefenseTech explains
how yields are calculated from seismic readings:
Estimating the yield is tricky business, because it depends on the geology of the test site. The South Koreans called the yield half a kiloton (550 tons), which is more or less — a factor of two — consistent with the relationship for tests in that yield range at the Soviet Shagan test site:
Mb = 4.262 + .973LogW
Where Mb is the magnitude of the body wave, and W is the yield.
3.58-3.7 gives you a couple hundred tons (not kilotons), which is pretty close in this business unless you’re really math positive. The same equation, given the US estimate of 4.2, yields (pun intended) around a kiloton.
A plutonium device should produce a yield in the range of the 20 kilotons, like the one we dropped on Nagasaki. No one has ever dudded their first test of a simple fission device. North Korean nuclear scientists are now officially the worst ever.
The achieved yield of the Nagasaki bomb was indeed approx. 20 KT, of the Hiroshima bomb 13 KT. But we don’t know whether the DPRK used plutonium or uranium for this test. Uranium works very well for a GAW.
Using the US Geological Survey figure of 4.2 magnitude body wave of the seismic shock, giving a 1 KT achieved yield, actually buttresses the case that this test was not a fizzle, in my view. For battlefield purposes, say, against the South Korean or US forces on the peninsula, a 1 KT device is more usable than a 20 KT bomb. A 1 KT weapon is smaller, thus easier to conceal, and can be designed to be fired from existing artillery pieces, whether cannons or rockets. A Nagasaki-yield weapon would be of little military utility in fighting against South Korea or American forces. And you much more easily can get from a tested 0.6-1.0 KT proof-of-concept device to a usable terror weapon of the same yield, than from a test of a much larger yielding device.
DefenseTech concludes the test was a “dud.” I think it’s far too soon to be laughing aloud at Kimmy boy, myself.

Monday, October 09, 2006


Reaction: world united against nuclear bomb testBy Elsa McLaren and agencies
North Korea's first nuclear bomb test has brought about international condemnation and calls for further sanctions to be brought against the reclusive Communist country.
Pyongyang described its first test of an atomic bomb as an "historic event" aimed at bettering peace and security. It comes just three days after a unanimous call from the UN Security Council for North Korea to abandon its nuclear testing programme.
China, an ally and benefactor of North Korea, called the test "brazen" and urged the country to return to talks aimed at getting it to abandon its nuclear programme in return for aid and security guarantees. North Korea has boycotted the talks, which Beijing has hosted, for almost a year in protest over US sanctions on its alleged illicit financial activities.
Russia demanded that North Korea take immediate steps to abandon its nuclear testing programme, but urged all nations to have restraint following the underground blast. A statement by the Foreign Ministry said the test was “fraught with danger for peace, security and stability in the region”. It said: “We demand that North Korea immediately undertakes steps to return to the nuclear non-proliferation regime and resume six-party talks."
South Korea, a key source of aid and investment in the North, said that it wanted the matter brought to the United Nations, where South Korean Foreign Minister Ban Ki Moon is due to be formally nominated as UN secretary-general later today. Roh Moo Hyun, the South Korean President, urged his countrymen to remain calm and said that his government will “sternly deal” with the development. “This is a grave threat to peace, not only on the Korean peninsula but in the region," he said.
Japan, which many analysts saw as most directly threatened by any North Korean nuclear test, said that it was considering options for further sanctions against Pyongyang and might push for a new UN resolution. “The prime minister’s office has been working on options for additional sanctions over the past two or three days,” Foreign Minister Taro Aso told reporters.
In a statement, Tony Blair condemned the test as a “completely irresponsible act” which showed their “disregard” for the concerns of the region and the wider world. He said: “This further act of defiance shows North Korea’s disregard for the concerns of its neighbours and the wider international community."
In a statement at the White House, President Bush said: "The United States condemns this provocative act. Once again, North Korea has defied the will of the international community and the international community will respond. This was confirmed this morning in conversations I had with leaders of China and South Korea, Russia and Japan. We reaffirmed our commitment to a nuclear-free Korean peninsula and all of us agreed that the proclaimed actions taken by North Korea are unacceptable and deserve an immediate response by the United Nations Security Council."
John Howard, the Australian Prime Minister said: "We are outraged that a country that has to rely on the international community to feed its own people, and to bring them back from the brink of starvation, devotes so many of its scarce resources to missiles and nuclear weapons progress."
The European Union presidency said the nuclear bomb test was a threat to regional stability and that it would work with the world’s major powers for a “decisive international response.”
President Putin said: "Russia certainly condemns the test conducted by North Korea. Enormous damage has been done to the process of nonproliferation of weapons of mass destruction in the world."
Shinzo Abe, the Prime Minister of Japan, told a press conference in Seoul: "A North Korea with nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles constitutes a grave threat. Japan will now consider harsh measures."
Jaap de Hoop Scheffer, the Nato Secretary-General, strongly condemned North Korea’s nuclear test and called an emergency meeting of the alliance’s ambassadors.
Helen Clark, the New Zealand Prime Minister, said: "North Korea should have no illusion of the gravity with which the international community views its action, Our major concern is the broader security concerns of a nuclearised Korean peninsular," she added.
Benita Ferrero-Waldner, the EU commissioner for external relations, described the test as unacceptable but said that there were no plans to cut humanitarian aid to North Korea.

Saturday, October 07, 2006


Source Undercuts Hastert on Foley Timeline
House Staffer Seems to Back Earlier ABC News Source on When House Speaker's Staff Had Information

By JOHN YANG
Oct. 7, 2006 — - House Speaker J. Dennis Hastert's chief of staff met with disgraced former Rep. Mark Foley to discuss the time and attention Foley was giving House pages years before the speaker's office admits becoming aware of the issue, a current House staffer told ABC News.
The staffer, who asked not be identified because of the ongoing FBI and House Ethics Committee investigations, told ABC News of learning in November 2005 about an earlier meeting between Hastert Chief of Staff Scott Palmer and Foley, R-Fla.
November 2005 was around the time Rep. John Shimkus, R-Ill., head of the House Page Board, and then-House Clerk Jeff Trandahl, who was administrator of the page program, met with Foley about an e-mail exchange Foley had with a former page sponsored by Rep. Rodney Alexander, R-La.
"At that time, I became aware that there was a previous meeting" between Foley and Palmer, the House staffer told ABC News.
That seems to corroborate the account of Kirk Fordham, Foley's former chief of staff, who said he had gone to Palmer to ask the speaker's office's to intervene and try to change Foley's behavior as far back as 2003.
Palmer has since said, "What Kirk Fordham said did not happen."
On Wednesday, Fordham was forced to resign as chief of staff to Rep. Thomas Reynolds, R-N.Y., who heads the effort to elect Republicans to the House in this fall's midterm elections.
Before the scandal became public, sources told ABC News, Trandahl had called Fordham several times to complain that Foley was paying too much attention to pages. Fordham said he would talk with Foley about the matter, according to the accounts.
Usually, Foley's behavior would change for a short time, only to return -- and Trandahl would call Fordham again, according to the sources.
After several such cycles, the sources said, Fordham and Trandahl discussed seeking the help of Hastert's office, which led to Fordham's meeting with Palmer.
Republicans had hoped Hastert's "the buck stops here" speech last Thursday would ease some of the pressure on him, but the daily drip of the Foley scandal continues to keep the focus on what Hastert and his staff knew and when they knew it.
Today, The Washington Post and The New York Times also reported claims that Palmer was aware of allegations against Foley before Hastert's office acknowledges knowing about them.
Hastert's office is now declining to talk about specifics of the scandal, citing the ongoing House Ethics Committee investigation.
A new Newsweek poll conducted since the Foley scandal broke seems to suggest the scandal is bad news for the GOP's prospects in next month's elections. The poll shows that 53 percent of Americans want the Democrats to win control of Congress, including 10 percent of Republicans.
In addition, for the first time since 2001, the Newsweek poll shows more Americans trust the Democrats than the GOP on moral issues and the war in terror.
Perhaps the only glimmer of hope for Republicans is that the election is still four weeks away -- a lifetime in politics.
ABC News' Geoff Morrell contributed to this report.
Copyright © 2006 ABC News Internet
From Andrew Sullivan
A reader writes:
I was a Congressional page in the summer of 1992. (By the way, it is an incredible program that should be protected from anyone who calls for its elimination, as some reactionary Members are now grumbling.) I was 17, from a small town in the West, and I was realizing that I was gay. Based on my experience, I’m saddened for these young men in this scandal, some who by the content of their IMs with Foley are most likely gay. They were preyed up on by this powerful hypocrite. Remembering my summer on Capitol Hill, I’m sure I would have been a bit star struck by this Congressman - pages were always impressed by a Member of Congress who took the time to learn our names, thank us for our work, and was open to saying ‘hi’ in the hallways. I’m also sure that as a young person questioning my sexuality, and full of testosterone to boot, I would have been intrigued by Foley’s continued advances. Foley knew this, which is why he did what he did, and he was wrong to do it.
I now live as an out gay man and this scandal affirms my belief that the closet is a horribly destructive social control mechanism. If those young pages felt that they could be open about their sexuality they might have been more likely to have come forward about Foley’s advances to their superiors, without fear of being stigmatized, instead of playing his creepy secret games. And more important - because Foley is in the position of power here — if Foley had lived his life with integrity as an out gay man this scandal would likely never have happened. He wouldn’t have turned to the most vulnerable and impressionable men regularly in his sphere, the young pages. Foley’s closet will be his tomb.
By the way, I was a Republican page, owing to the fact that my Congressman was a Republican. I hadn't figured out my politics at the time.

UCC leader criticizes Family Research Council's use of Foley scandal to scapegoat gays, lesbians

Written by J. Bennett Guess
Thursday, 05 October 2006
The Rev. John H. Thomas, the UCC's general minister and president, is condemning remarks by Tony Perkins, president of the right-wing Family Research Council, who is using the Mark Foley congressional scandal to scapegoat the larger gay and lesbian community.
“Perkins recent remarks are destructive to gay and lesbian persons and their families and distract the nation’s attention from the real issue at hand, which is protecting young people from sexual predators,” said Thomas.
On October 2, Perkins issued a statement claiming "the real issue" in the Foley scandal was a "link between homosexuality and child sexual abuse.” On Oct. 3, Perkins made similar accusations on MSNBC’s “Hardball with Chris Matthews,” where he likened homosexuals with “sexual deviants.”
Thomas said the former congressman’s sexual orientation should not be part of the public debate. The American Psychological Association, in addition to numerous other reputable medical and scientific groups, has found that “gay men are no more likely than heterosexual men to perpetrate child sexual abuse.”
“To suggest that gay and lesbian persons should be barred from public service, as Perkins has implied, is akin to suggesting that white, straight males should be kept out of politics because of Bill Clinton’s sexual misdeeds,” Thomas said. “To attach this debate to sexual orientation is not only ludicrous, it’s dangerous. Many gay and lesbian persons serve honorably in public office.”
“If anything, this nation’s culture of silence with respect to gay and lesbian people has taught us that hiding, shame and denial, as in Foley’s case, are not healthy ways to live as a gay or lesbian person — not for them as individuals and not for us as a society,” Thomas said.
Thomas also called for a full investigation into the unfolding scandal, saying the nation deserves to know if congressional leaders attempted to cover up for the sake of preserving political power.
“As we say in the church, those who care for young people must be committed to creating an ‘envelope of safety,’ where the systems of care include levels of accountability and oversight,” Thomas said. “There must be a full investigation by the Congress, not only into Mark Foley but how the leadership handled reports of his behavior.”
Thomas said the church’s support of the gay and lesbian community is in keeping with its concern for the safety and well-being of young people.
“In the United Church of Christ, we have encountered this nation’s culture of silence and shame with a distinctive Christian message about the need for “extravagant welcome,” Thomas said. “And with that message of ‘extravagant welcome’ comes an attentiveness to the safety and security of children.”
The Rev. Robert Chase, executive director of the UCC’s Office of Communication, Inc., the church’s historic media watchdog group, said the mainstream media should also be scrutinized for how it is reporting on the scandal.
“One of the tragic elements in the recent incident involving Mark Foley is the way the media give credence to those who make the unfortunate, salacious and inaccurate leap that Mr. Foley’s behavior is rooted in his sexual orientation.” Chase said. “Such characterization slanders an entire group of citizens and fuels the forces of suspicion and division that plague our country.”
The United Church of Christ, formed in 1957 with the union of the Congregational Christian Church in American and the Evangelical and Reformed Church, has more than 5,600 congregations across the United States. The UCC’s national offices are in Cleveland, Ohio.

Wednesday, October 04, 2006


Turning the Page
Gerard Baker From Times of London
It's come to something when a politician has to claim to be an alcoholic to avoid getting into real trouble. Congressman Mark Foley's resignation and decision to check himself into a detox clinic today looks like a final, desperate act designed to smother his despicable behaviour with 16-year old congressional assistants in a thin veneer of psychological self-exculpation.
The political fallout from the
page-chasing episode is not clear. Aside from the sheer ghastly sleaziness of it all there's a danger I think for congressional Republicans that voters might link the preachy Mr Foley's pederastic tendencies to a broader pattern of hypocrisy.
Here's a Republican who pioneers legislation to prosecute internet predators enquring via instant messaging about the size of a 16 year old boy's member. Boy:"7 and a half", Foley: "ummmmmmmmmmmmmmm. beautiful".
Here's a House of Representatives leadership that gleefully impeached Bill Clinton for his lies about sex with an intern looking as though it turned away when it was warned that one of its congressmen was describing to one high-school student what he would like to do with his "one-eyed snake".
If voters think there's a pattern here, they could be right. Republicans who proselytise about law and the constitution while taking fat bribes from lobbyists . A party that trumpets the virtues of limited government while presiding over the biggest expansion in the federal government in the last 40 years.
Once again, the central problem is the arrogance of power, steadily ripened over the years into a self-image of an inviolate right to govern that justifies any word or deed because it comes from those who govern. Republicans must be praying that voters are not in a mind to heed the words of Oliver Cromwell as they echo down the centuries: "You have sat too long for any good you have been doing. Depart, I say. and let us have done with you. In the name of God, go!"
Posted by Gerard Baker on Monday, October 02, 2006 at 10:06 PM

Sunday, October 01, 2006



The Sunday Times
October 01, 2006
McCain shows Cameron the price of power
Andrew Sullivan
When you think of an American Democrat or an American Republican, who springs to mind? I ask because the big American guests at each of the party conferences this year, Bill Clinton and John McCain, do not, exactly, represent the current leadership of their respective parties. They are each enigmas in their own way, each representing both the essence of their own side, and yet also, in some ways, something deeply alien to their own partisan bases.
Between them you see the complexity of America, even under this least complex president, and glimpses of its potential future.
Clinton first. I never thought I’d ever write this, but I almost feel relieved to see him on television these days.
Yes, I remind myself of everything I didn’t like about him: his dishonesty, his slickness, his callow facility with power and small-time abuse of it.
But I also remember his actual legacy. History may well judge him a moderate conservative president, whose capacity to jettison his principles at will made him a success.
He turned a huge deficit into a huge surplus; he reformed welfare; he freed up trade; he reduced the size of government; and was prudent and cautious in foreign policy even at the expense of allowing genocides in Rwanda and Bosnia and having several chances to capture Osama Bin Laden and failing.
He described himself as an Eisenhower Republican and he wasn’t entirely wrong. Yes, his mixed but not-too-shabby record was made possible by his sharing power with the Gingrich Republicans. But that too only makes me nostalgic: for the days when one-party control of both Congress and White House was impossible; and when divided government ensured that today’s massive spending, and the corruption that follows it, couldn’t occur.
But Clinton is obviously not a figure entirely of the past. His shadow looms over his party not just because of his presidency but because of his wife. Apart from Al Gore, Hillary Clinton is still the most credible candidate for her party’s nomination in 2008. But she has a huge problem apart from her polarising effect on otherwise sane people. That huge problem is her husband.
If she were to run for the presidency what would she do with him? It’s a little hard to think of him picking out new colours for the rug in the Oval Office or obsessing about place settings at state dinners. He can’t be first husband. And first adulterer isn’t yet a formal position.
The ex-president has been doing great work with his charitable endeavours, encouraging generosity from the mega-rich like Richard Branson. But as first husband, with peerless access to the president, that would also present any number of conflicts of interest.
What to do? If I were Hillary, I’d tackle this as soon as I announced my candidacy. I’d give Bill Clinton the opportunity to be secretary of state, at once removing him from domestic policy, and taking advantage of his enormous global pull. If America really did need to rally global opposition to a nuclear-armed Iran Bill Clinton might be the diplomat to do it. Or at least that would be the plan.
As for McCain his position within his own party is more awkward than Hillary Clinton’s. McCain should have won the Republican nomination in 2000. He triumphed in New Hampshire. But in retrospect the clout the religious right demonstrated in securing the South Carolina primary for George W Bush presaged much that has followed.
The ruthless politics, the smears and the preening public religiosity of the past six years all flowed from that moment. McCain, the Republican un-Bush, emerged instead as the Democrats’ favourite conservative, the media’s darling . . . and shut out of the White House.
McCain has opposed all of the worst Bush decisions (if you don’t count the Iraq war). He voted against the prescription drug entitlement that will bankrupt the American government within a few years. He has resisted the worst corruption and pork-barrel spending. He had no truck with amending the federal constitution to ensure gay couples can never get equal rights. He joined with moderate Democrats to prevent an all-out collision with the White House over judicial nominees. He has no illusions about the religious right.
But at some point he is also a party man; and at various moments it is clear he is determined not to be steamrollered by the current Republican establishment. Victimhood does not become him.
So he enthusiastically backed Bush against fellow Vietnam vet John Kerry in 2004 and has praised Bush’s war leadership. For all his criticism of the management of the Iraq war he is actually more hawkish than Bush in principle, urging more troops and more commitment to Iraq’s future.
And last weekend turned into a pivotal moment in his career. For the past four years he has fought the Bush administration’s attempt to authorise interrogative abuse of military detainees. As a victim of torture himself McCain’s credentials for this fight were enormous. And, to his credit, his legislative efforts have indeed put a stop to the widespread abuse that has occurred in the regular military since the winter of 2001.
But he wants to win the Republican nomination; and Karl Rove, Bush’s political guru, has decided that the only way to rescue the mid-term elections is to run on who can be tough enough on terror suspects. If McCain had refused to compromise over torture he would have essentially been destroying the Republican game plan for retaining Congress. So Bush called him out. The deal they struck was simple: Bush wouldn’t formally renege on Geneva and wouldn’t formally authorise waterboarding, hypothermia and other horrors.
But he was given legislative leeway to decide what to do with terror suspects (including waterboarding and hypothermia) and had authority to train an elite squad of CIA “coercive interrogators” for the purpose. His civilian officials would also be given complete legal impunity for possible war crimes committed in the past.
What did McCain get in return? Some cynics in Washington say the answer is simple: the nomination. And McCain has been doing his best to recruit many Bush loyalists. Did McCain sell his soul for power? That’s what his sharpest critics would say.
Or did he just mortgage part of it for a while, in the hope that, as president, he alone can reunite Americans, and fight a war with competence and decency again? That’s his defenders’ position. I’m sure that’s how McCain sees it: a grim compromise that comes with the real pursuit of real power.
The Tories will cheer him this week. He is certainly much more congenial to the party of David Cameron than Bush, Dick Cheney or Donald Rumsfeld. But McCain is also a symbol, along with Bill Clinton, of how power is never without its costs. One day Cameron may have the opportunity to share their pain.


Copyright 2006 Times Newspapers Ltd.

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